The role of Ateker communities in the independence struggle against colonialism and the way forward

Background of Torit

On August 18th 1955 Members of 2nd Company Eastern Equatoria Corps of the British Colonial Authority, led by Daniel Jumi Tongun and Marko Rume, both of the Karo ethnic group, launched an insurrection that in Torit (Now Part of Eastern Equatoria State South Sudan). The uprising marked the beginning of the long and bloody armed struggle for South Sudanese Independence, it quickly spread southern cities such as Juba, Yei, and Maridi. It finally culminated in the 2011 referendum and later that year Independence Day celebrations.

Given the fact that armed Ateker Communities reside on the peripheries and frontiers of the nation-states they occupy, they in most cases suffer underdevelopment and marginalization which sows seeds of discontent. Under British Colonial Administration these communities (Toposa, Turkana, Karimojong etc were seen as hostile and ruled as special military zones. Given the semi-arid nature of these environments, they were seen as of little value to as the colonialists sought to consolidate their rule over the Nile and its communities. They sought cooperation of local Kings. In regions like the Ateker Cluster there are no Kings. They faced tough resistance and thusly sometimes relied on Communal punishments, torture and extreme injustices against these communities.

Lamoogi rebellion

The Torit Mutiny and its significance in the fight against colonialism is just one example of how Ateker Communities contributed to the independence struggle. Given the booming, unregulated ivory trade and elephant hunting in Karamoja sub-region, firearms begun to proliferate across Karamoja. Some of these guns were sold or exchanged to Acholi traders and in 1911 British colonialists, fearing an armed rebellion demanded the registration of all guns owned in Acholi. This coupled with a lack of a colonial presence in Northern Uganda and harsh colonial policies triggered the now famous Lamoogi Rebellion.

“The Lamoogi then decided to hide in caves with their guns, bow and arrows but the colonialists were determined to get them even from the caves. A missionary soldier soon shot dead a senior body guard of Rwot Otto Yai named Abere, prompting the Lamoogi people to retaliate. The Lamoogi fighters in revenge killed a white missionary named Captain Tana when he tried to follow people in the caves. He was shot with an acidic arrow and later died due to rotting of the wound. Catholic missionaries reacted furiously by bombing the rocks, killing many locals in the process and thereby forcing Rwot Otto Yai to surrender. (PML DAILY)”

Ateker Communities as Frontier Guards of EA states, Turkana, UG, South Sudan against Abyssinia

In the time of the British, The Karimojong, Toposa and Turkana were seen as frontline communities in the fight against Abyssinia which set its eyes on the valuable ivory and gold trade in the region. Abyssinians viewed all Ateker lands up to the southern tip of Lake Turkana as part of their empire.

This prompted the British to ally with local chiefs and conscript some able-bodied men from these communities to form Border Patrol Guard Units in what was called the Northern Garrison.

Today, in Some Countries in IGAD Zone 3, Ateker Armed Pastoralists are seen as necessary to protect the nations porous borders against incursions by communities from neighbouring countries. For example, Kenya today has deployed KPR (Kenyan Police Reservists), warriors who are provided bullets, uniforms and salaries by the state to patrol and guard parts of the country seen as difficult areas of operation for the Kenyan Armed Forces such as the mineral rich, disputed territory of the Ilemi triangle, which Kenya, South Sudan and Ethiopia all claim. Parts of the Ilemi triangle also hold pasture, salt licks and water which are much sought after in the dry and hostile region. Similar Arrangements are made in South Sudan and we are yet to confirm if the Ethiopian Government does the same.

Early this year there was intense fighting between the Turkana of Kenya, Toposa of South Sudan and Turkana today against the Toposa of South Sudan in the Ilemi Triangle. The Toposa accused the Kenyans and by extension the Turkana of illegal expansionism, deep into what is considered Eastern Equatoria State.

In Uganda during the LRA insurgency, armed Karimojong warriors prevented LRA incursions into Karamoja. This made it difficult for the LRA to abduct more youth. It also forced Kony’s forces to face the advancing UPDF head on.

History of underdevelopment

We have already discussed earlier how the colonialists saw little value for money in developing remote frontier communities so we shall focus on post-independence governments.

Early on after independence there were many challenges that young east African nations had to deal with and small peripheral, far-away, armed pastoralist communities were not some of them. Due to their lack of education these communities had little interest in rebellion or capturing power and thusly were not considered immediate dangers by post-independence governments. Having no other means of addressing the problem of these armed communities and general lawlessness in these regions they regularly depended on the colonialist playbook which led to even more disastrous outcomes such as carpet-bombing settlements, torture and communal punishment.

These governments to an extent tried to reverse some of the harshest of policies and have progressively improved over the years. We are seeing more people from these communities’ graduate; we are seeing infrastructure improve and investments entering these regions. Through the EAC, IGAD frameworks and other multilateral engagements there are proposed roads in Turkana, Karamoja and South Sudan that will link all the way from the Coast of Lamu and Mombasa, the capital cities of Nairobi, Entebbe, Addis Ababa and Juba. There are new factories in Karamoja and oil investments in Turkana. Large scale government initiatives such as Mega dams, irrigation, piped water and electricity supply are all high on the agenda.

It is also important to note that since independence Eastern African states have faced numerous wars, coups and civil wars. This has had the unfortunate impact of diluting any substantial progress that could have been made in developing these regions.

Challenges that remain in Ateker

1. Lack of integration in state development planning

There is a genuine lack of inclusion of frontier, periphery and minority communities in national development programming. This has meant that many proposed initiatives do not take into account the unique development context of these regions.

2. Heavy Armament of Communities

There are over 100,000 guns still in civilian hands across the Ateker cluster, in some areas like Nyangatom, Toposa, Turkana and Pokot, warriors are more heavily armed and supplied than security forces deployed to maintain law and order in those regions.

3. Insecurity

The security situation in the Ateker cluster leaves much too be desired. Given the porous borders and easy flow of firearms from conflict zones in the horn of Africa mean it is relatively easy to acquire firearms and munitions. These are often exchanged to traders for livestock.

Roadside ambushes, large- and small-scale cattle raids, armed attacks on savings groups and security personnel and installations are a common occurrence. Fueled by high demand for cheap meat from urban areas in their respective countries, raiding elements conduct raids and sell livestock that are then transported on trucks under the cover of darkness. Cooperation of some security personnel and local leaders has made this vice difficult to overcome.

4. Poverty

The Ateker cluster remains behind in virtually most all human development indicators. Poverty is a key driver of conflict and human suffering. To date governments in the IGAD region have tried numerous poverty alleviation schemes. Sadly, these schemes are sometimes fraught with corruption or are top down not bottom up in their development and as such do not achieve the desired results due to the fact that there is little input from the grassroots levels of society and frontline peace and development actors such as women, elders and youth.

5. Illiteracy

Literacy rates across the Ateker cluster are dismally low. Between 5-12% of people know how to read and write. Failure to address these challenges mean that for many the future may appear bleak. Without a credible stake in the national economies of the states they inhabit there is potential for an entire generation to grow up with little alternative but to pursue destructive practices such as armed cattle raiding, being trafficked to urban centers to beg and do menial jobs at exploitative fees or go into prostitution

6. Marginalization

Due to the fact that Ateker Communities exist and reside on the peripheries and frontiers of the nation-states they inhabit. In addition to being minorities they have little voice on issues of national importance or on issues that directly affect them. The government of Uganda has attempted to create more districts and provided for more MPs to enable better representation in Parliament however this has not always proven successful. The government of Kenya on the other hand has invested heavily in federalization or devolution in which Turkana and West Pokot Counties receive billions of shillings annually for their development in order to enable them catch up with the rest of the country in terms of development and quality of life. In South Sudan a federalized system has led to more money reaching the grassroots from the center. Sadly, as for Ethiopia there is little that can be said as the Nyangatom and related communities are almost second- or third-class citizens.

Even with these various initiatives. Corruption and elitism have led to a small minority within these communities enriching themselves at the expense of broad-based socio-economic transformation of these communities.

7. Climate shocks

The UN security council acknowledges that many countries that are vulnerable to climate risks also face issues of fragility, poor governance, and terrorist threats. The Climate Change and Security nexus is complex and context-specific. Studies on Eastern Africa have shown that impacts of climate variability and change on natural resources have resulted in armed conflicts in some pastoral communities. The relationship between climate change and resource conflicts is often indirect, complex, and linked to political, economic, and social conflict factors; including social inequalities, low economic development, and limited institutional structures.

“The African Union agrees that climate change has already and will continue to affect human security. This may result in human rights abuses, including intra and interstate conflicts or wars.”

In the Ateker Cluster, for example, young people are abandoning pastoralism and crop production practices due to loss of livestock resulting from floods, diseases or drought, thus contributing to youth unemployment and increased poverty. Consequently, the youths are turning to charcoal production, a maladaptive practice banned by the government. A strong correlation between poverty and banditry or violent extremism globally has been established even though there is insufficient empirical evidence due to lack of published data at the regional level.

Why Ateker should not become an independent state

In our researched opinion it would be a disastrous choice for Ateker Communities to consider self-determination.

- Currently high rates of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in civilian hands would mean there is a high potential for the Ateker Cluster to become a region similar to the Sahel, or Eastern Congo. With large swathes of land ruled by warlords and militiamen. It could also become a center for drug, human and arms trafficking in a place that Africa cannot afford to have such occurrences due to the volatility in the horn and Greatlakes regions.

- Clannism and Tribalism that exists today in the Ateker cluster would be difficult to overcome and Ateker Cluster communities may find themselves in a civil war within a few years of independence.

- High rates of illiteracy coupled with vast mineral wealth are another potential powder keg through which a well-connected and educated elite could benefit at the expense of the poor majority. We have seen this happen in Eastern DRC and the Central African Republic.

- South Sudan has shown independence is not the only solution to development and there is significant potential for armed conflict

- Given the existing high rates of corruption among Ateker elites (cattle and weapons smuggling, targeted assassinations of opponents, theft of public funds and land grabbing) it would be a significant mistake to assume that independence would make these problems go away. On the contrary they may exacerbate them.

Risks of not developing Ateker cluster communities and other periphery communities for East African governments

Based on our discussions with Conflict monitoring experts, who are monitoring extremism and conflict across the continent we have listed some risks below.

1. Just as it is in the Sahel or northern Mozambique armed insurgencies can spring up and proliferate or metastasize. Insurgent groups could potentially capitalize on perceived marginalization and poverty as a recruitment tool.

2. Radical Extremist terror groups can take advantage of the marginalization, banditry and insecurity in order to attempt to establish lawless regions, governed by them such as north rift in Kenya before the recent KDF operations or Al-Shabab operations in the Boni Forest and almost weekly IED attacks on Kenyan Security Patrols.

3. Populist demagogues could capitalize on the insecurity and marginalization in order to use the Ateker Cluster as a springboard for armed rebellions in the nation-states they occupy.

4. Ateker Community disgruntlement can be misused by foreign powers and other opportunistic elements the countries they inhabit who may use the Ateker as fighters in armed insurrections

5. As goes the old adage “When one part of the body is not doing well the rest of the body suffers”. So long as Ateker Communities do not develop

Way forward

It is thus the informed opinion of the Karamoja Trumpet that Ateker communities should not push or agitate for self determination but should instead strive for greater integration within the developing frameworks of the nation-states they inhabit. The governments of East Africa should make concerted efforts to end banditry, lawlessness, underdevelopment and marginalisation so as to avoid future crises.